Part VII · Chance & data Chapter 49 of 60
Statistics
Five newspaper headlines, five investigations. An average salary, a poll with a three per cent margin of error, a ‘proven’ drug, chocolate and Nobel prizes, university admissions: we learn to judge the whole from a sample without fooling ourselves.
Builds on: 48 · Random variables
You will learn
- tell the mean from the median and understand which question each one answers
- compute a standard error and a confidence interval and read ‘plus or minus three per cent’
- understand what a p-value says and why twenty tests breed a false discovery
- see regression to the mean and confounders behind a correlation, and Simpson’s paradox behind overall percentages
The last chapter ended with a promise: a sample can tell you about the whole. The law of large numbers guarantees that the mean of many independent observations ends up close to the expectation, and the central limit theorem tells you exactly how it wobbles around it. What’s left is to learn to use these theorems without fooling ourselves.
That’s harder than it sounds. “The first principle is that you must not fool yourself, and you are the easiest person to fool,” Richard Feynman told Caltech graduates in 1974. Mark Twain attributed to the British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli a line about three kinds of lies: “lies, damned lies, and statistics”. It has never been found in Disraeli’s speeches or books, but the line lives on, because everyone has seen true numbers propping up false conclusions.
The chapter is set out like a myth-busting show. We have five newspaper headlines. They’re made up, but you’ve met each of them in dozens of versions, and the last two have real stories behind them. Behind each headline we’ll find the number it rests on, work out what that number really says, and borrow a tool from mathematical statistics to test the myth.
The hospital’s average temperature
At Acme Ltd the average salary is 145 thousand a month, and it rose by 10 % over the year
Let’s look at the payroll. Acme has ten people. Nine employees earn (in thousands) $40$, $42$, $45$, $48$, $50$, $52$, $55$, $58$ and $60$, and the director earns $1000$. The total is $1450$; divide by ten and you get exactly $145$. The headline isn’t lying. But nobody in the company earns anything like $145$ thousand: nine people earn at most $60$, and the director almost seven times the average.
Now the second half of the headline. Over the year the director raised his own salary to $1145$ thousand, and the others didn’t get a penny more. The total became $1595$ and the mean $159.5$, exactly $10$ % more than before. Again the headline is honest, though nine employees out of ten got nothing from this rise. In the same way, the average temperature of a hospital can be perfectly normal when half the patients have a fever and the other half have gone cold for good.
The arithmetic mean $\bar x = \frac{x_1 + \dots + x_n}{n}$ answers the question of how much everyone would get if everything were shared equally. The question “how much does an ordinary employee earn” is answered by another number.
The median of a set of numbers is the number in the middle: if you write the numbers in increasing order, with an odd count it’s the middle element, with an even count it’s the average of the two middle ones. Strictly to the left of the median lie at most half the numbers, and strictly to the right at most half as well.
It has little in common with the median of a triangle from chapter 17: that one halves the area of a triangle, this one a list of numbers. At Acme the median is the average of the fifth and sixth numbers, $(50 + 52)/2 = 51$. The director can raise his salary to a billion and the median won’t budge: the director was last on the list and stays last. Statisticians call this property robustness. One wild value can’t drag the median far, while it can drag the mean anywhere. There’s an old joke: when Bill Gates walks into a bar, the average customer becomes a billionaire.
That’s why it’s more sensible to ask for the median when it comes to incomes. National statistics offices, for example, publish both mean and median earnings, and the median is noticeably lower: the distribution of incomes, as at Acme, is stretched out to the right, and a few large salaries pull the mean up.
The mean and the median balance the data in different ways. Put identical weights on a light plank at the points $x_1, \dots, x_n$ and place a fulcrum at the point $c$. A weight at $x_i$ turns the plank with a force proportional to its lever arm $x_i - c$, and the plank tips in the direction given by the sign of the sum $\sum (x_i - c)$. This sum is zero exactly when $c = \bar x$, because $\sum (x_i - \bar x) = \sum x_i - n\bar x = 0$. The mean is the balance point, the centre of mass of the weights. The median, by contrast, is found by voting: the fulcrum is at the median when there are as many weights on the left as on the right, however far away they lie.
There’s another way to look at these two numbers. Suppose the whole set must be represented by a single number $c$, and for each $x_i$ we pay a penalty for missing. If the penalty is the distance $|x_i - c|$, the best choice is the median. If it grows like the square of the distance, the best choice is the mean. Let’s prove both claims.
For numbers $x_1 \le x_2 \le \dots \le x_n$ the sum of distances $S(c) = |x_1 - c| + \dots + |x_n - c|$ is smallest when $c$ is the median. For odd $n$ the minimum is attained only at the median, for even $n$ at any point of the segment between the two middle numbers.
The trick is to follow how the sum changes when $c$ moves a tiny bit.
For any numbers $x_1, \dots, x_n$ with mean $\bar x$ and any number $c$
$$\sum_{i=1}^n (x_i - c)^2 = \sum_{i=1}^n (x_i - \bar x)^2 + n\,(\bar x - c)^2.$$
So the sum of squared deviations from $c$ is smallest at $c = \bar x$, and only there.
The trick is to see a set of $n$ numbers as a single point of $n$-dimensional space. For two numbers it’s the ordinary plane.
Which penalty to choose is decided by the problem, not by mathematics. But squares are easier to compute with: sums of squares have formulas like the one just proved, while sums of absolute values don’t. That’s why classical statistics rests on the mean and squared deviations, and a measure of spread is built from the same squares. It’s needed: an average salary of $50$ thousand can occur in a company where everyone earns between $48$ and $52$, and in one where half earn $10$ and half $90$.
The sample standard deviation of numbers $x_1, \dots, x_n$ is the number $s \ge 0$ whose square, the sample variance $s^2$, equals the sum of squared deviations from the mean divided by $n - 1$.
Find the sample standard deviation of the numbers $3$, $7$, $7$, $9$, $14$.
The mean is $\bar x = 40/5 = 8$. The deviations are $-5$, $-1$, $-1$, $1$, $6$ (their sum, as it should be, is zero). The sum of squares is $25 + 1 + 1 + 1 + 36 = 64$; divide by $n - 1 = 4$: $s^2 = 16$, $s = 4$.
Over a year the mean income of a city’s residents rose by $8$ %, while the median didn’t change. What can be said for certain?
The mean rose, so the total rose, and someone got a raise. The median stayed put, so the person in the middle of the list earns the same as whoever stood there a year ago. Who got the raise can’t be told from these two numbers.
Both numbers in the headline are correct. But the mean answers the question “how much would everyone get if it were shared equally”, while the reader hears “how much does an ordinary person earn”. That question is answered by the median, and with any mean you should also ask about the spread.
A thousand people for a whole city
Poll: 52 % of residents for building a new park, 48 % against. 1000 people surveyed
The first objection you hear to any poll: how can a thousand people speak for a city of millions? The second, the opposite: if a poll got it wrong, too few people were asked. Both are wrong, and the best illustration is a story with which many statistics courses begin.
In 1936 the USA was electing a president: the incumbent Franklin Roosevelt against the Republican Alf Landon. The Literary Digest magazine, which had correctly predicted the winners of several previous elections, sent out about ten million questionnaires and got more than two million replies. The magazine’s forecast: Landon would win about $57$ % of the vote. George Gallup surveyed dozens of times fewer people and predicted a Roosevelt win. Roosevelt got about $61$ % and won $46$ states out of $48$. Two years later the magazine ceased publication.
The Literary Digest’s trouble wasn’t the number of replies but whose replies they were. The addresses came from telephone directories, lists of car owners and the magazine’s subscribers: at the height of the Great Depression these were people noticeably better off than average. On top of that, only about one questionnaire in four came back, and Roosevelt’s opponents were keener to reply. Two million replies collected with a bias turned out worse than a few thousand collected fairly.
The whole set of objects we want to learn about is called the population, and the part of it we actually measured is the sample. A sample is random if every member of the population had the same chance of being included and choosing some didn’t affect the choice of others. Then the observations $X_1, \dots, X_n$ are independent random variables with the same distribution.
A cook tasting soup doesn’t eat the whole pot: he stirs it and tastes a spoonful. Stirring is the randomness of the sample, and it matters more than the size of the spoon. And the size of the pot hardly matters at all: well-stirred soup can be tasted with a spoon just as well from a saucepan as from a cauldron. The Literary Digest was scooping from one edge.
Let’s compute how far off an honest poll is. Let the share of park supporters in the city be $p$. The answer of respondent number $i$ is a random variable $X_i$: $1$ if they’re for it and $0$ if against. Its expectation is $p$ and its variance $p(1 - p)$ (chapter 48). The share in favour in the poll is the mean $\bar X = \frac{X_1 + \dots + X_n}{n}$. How widely does it scatter around $p$?
Let the random variables $X_1, \dots, X_n$ be independent, each with expectation $\mu$ and variance $\sigma^2$. Then their mean $\bar X$ has expectation $\mu$, variance $\sigma^2/n$ and standard deviation $\sigma/\sqrt n$.
The idea: the square of a sum is the area of a square made of pieces, and for independent variables only the pieces on the diagonal survive on average.
The standard deviation of the sample mean is called the standard error: $\mathrm{SE} = \sigma/\sqrt n$. The true $\sigma$ is usually unknown, and the sample $s$ is used in its place.
For a poll $\sigma^2 = p(1 - p)$, and with $p$ around a half the standard error of a thousand replies is $\sqrt{0.25/1000} \approx 0.016$: one and a half percentage points. The size of the city doesn’t appear in the formula: that’s where the cook’s calm comes from. Strictly speaking, sampling without replacement brings in a factor $\sqrt{(N - n)/(N - 1)}$, where $N$ is the size of the population, but for a thousand people out of a million it differs from one by five ten-thousandths. The formula does have a square root, though: to halve the error you have to ask four times as many people. That’s why a typical national poll is one or two thousand people; beyond that, precision gets expensive too fast.
Now we can pay the debt from the first investigation and explain the division by $n - 1$.
If $X_1, \dots, X_n$ are independent, each with expectation $\mu$ and variance $\sigma^2$, then $\mathbb E\sum_{i=1}^n (X_i - \bar X)^2 = (n - 1)\,\sigma^2$. So the sample variance $s^2$ equals $\sigma^2$ on average, while dividing by $n$ would underestimate the spread on average.
The idea: the sample mean is closer to the sample’s numbers than the true $\mu$ is; by the theorem on sums of squares it’s the closest of all. So deviations from $\bar X$ are systematically smaller than deviations from $\mu$, and the sum-of-squares identity says by exactly how much. Put $c = \mu$ in it: $\sum (X_i - \mu)^2 = \sum (X_i - \bar X)^2 + n(\bar X - \mu)^2$. Take expectations of both sides. On the left there are $n$ terms, each with expectation $\sigma^2$, $n\sigma^2$ in all. On the right, by the theorem on the spread of the mean, the expectation of the second term is $n \cdot \frac{\sigma^2}{n} = \sigma^2$. So $\mathbb E\sum(X_i - \bar X)^2 = n\sigma^2 - \sigma^2 = (n - 1)\,\sigma^2$, and after dividing by $n - 1$ we get $\mathbb E s^2 = \sigma^2$.
The number $n - 1$ is called the number of degrees of freedom: the deviations from the mean add up to zero, so only $n - 1$ of them can vary freely, and the last is determined by the others. Note that $s$ itself is on average slightly smaller than $\sigma$ (the square root of a mean isn’t the mean of the square roots), but the correction is small and usually neglected.
The standard error tells you how far the sample mean usually strays from the truth. The central limit theorem adds the shape: for large $n$ the distribution of $\bar X$ is close to normal with mean $\mu$ and standard deviation $\sigma/\sqrt n$. And a normal variable deviates from its mean by more than $1.96$ standard deviations in only $5$ % of cases. Hence the recipe every poll lives by.
Let $\bar X$ be normally distributed with mean $\mu$ and standard deviation $\mathrm{SE}$. Then the random interval $\bigl[\bar X - 1.96\,\mathrm{SE},\ \bar X + 1.96\,\mathrm{SE}\bigr]$ covers $\mu$ with probability $95$ %.
The trick is to look at the same event from the side of $\mu$.
A confidence interval at the $95$ % confidence level is an interval computed from a sample by a rule that covers the unknown parameter in $95$ % of cases.
For a proportion the formula is the same, only $s$ is computed from the proportion itself: $s = \sqrt{\hat p\,(1 - \hat p)}$, where $\hat p$ is the share in favour in the poll:
$$\hat p \pm 1.96\,\sqrt{\frac{\hat p\,(1 - \hat p)}{n}}.$$
In our poll $\hat p = 0.52$, $n = 1000$, and $1.96\sqrt{0.52 \cdot 0.48/1000} \approx 0.031$. The interval runs from $48.9$ to $55.1$ %, hence the famous “plus or minus three per cent”. Hence the verdict too: a half, $50$ %, lies inside the interval, and the poll hasn’t proved that park supporters are a majority. The “52 against 48” gap is worse still. If the share for is a point higher, the share against is a point lower, so the difference between the shares wobbles twice as much as each of them, and its margin of error is about $6$ points, more than the gap itself.
One last thing. Plus or minus three per cent is only the random error: who happened to be in the sample and who didn’t. Systematic errors like the ones that sank the Literary Digest (who didn’t pick up the phone, who fibbed, how the question was worded) aren’t included in those three per cent and don’t shrink as the sample grows. Statisticians call such an error sampling bias.
How many people must be surveyed so that, with a proportion of about $50$ %, the poll’s margin of error (half the width of the 95 per cent interval) is at most one percentage point?
We need $1.96\sqrt{0.25/n} \le 0.01$, that is, $\sqrt n \ge 1.96 \cdot 0.5/0.01 = 98$, and $n \ge 98^2 = 9604$. Three times more precise than a “standard” poll takes almost ten times as many people.
A thousand people is enough to learn a proportion to within about three points, and not enough to tell $52$ from $50$. And if the sample is biased, two million won’t help either.
The lady tasting tea
Scientists prove new drug lowers blood pressure. The result is statistically significant, p < 0.05
The word “prove” in such headlines almost always means one thing: the result passed a statistical hypothesis test. The logic of such a test is best shown by a story that Ronald Fisher made famous in his book The Design of Experiments (1935).
In the 1920s Fisher worked at the Rothamsted agricultural research station in England. As the story goes, one day he poured a cup of tea for a colleague, the algae specialist Muriel Bristol, and she remarked that she preferred the milk to be poured into the cup first, and could taste the difference. How can such a claim be tested?
Fisher described this experiment. Eight cups are prepared: four with the milk poured first, four with the tea first. The cups are served in random order. The lady knows there are four of each and has to pick out the four “milk-first” ones. If she can’t tell the difference at all, her choice is just one of $\binom84 = 70$ equally likely sets of four (chapter 45), and she picks all four cups correctly with probability $1/70 \approx 0.014$. If that happens anyway, there are two versions: either the lady really can tell, or an event with a chance of one and a half per cent has occurred. It’s more reasonable to believe the lady. According to one witness’s recollection, she didn’t make a single mistake.
And if she got three cups out of four right? That seems pretty good too. But with a random choice exactly three are right in $\binom43\binom41 = 16$ ways out of $70$, and the probability of getting at least three right is $\frac{16 + 1}{70} \approx 0.24$. One person in four who tastes nothing would do as well. That’s not proof.
The dull explanation “there’s no effect, it’s all chance” is called the null hypothesis and written $H_0$. The p-value is the probability of getting a result at least as striking as the one observed, assuming the null hypothesis is true. If the p-value is below a threshold $\alpha$ chosen in advance, the significance level, the null hypothesis is rejected and the result is called statistically significant.
For the lady who got all the cups right, $p = 1/70 \approx 0.014$; for the one who got three, $p \approx 0.24$. The threshold $\alpha = 0.05$ caught on largely thanks to Fisher: back in 1925 he called it a convenient boundary, not a law of nature. Hence his remark that six cups aren’t enough: with three “milk-first” cups and three ordinary ones, guessing everything by chance has probability $1/\binom63 = 1/20$, exactly $0.05$.
A drug trial works the same way. The null hypothesis is that the drug doesn’t work, and the difference between the groups given the drug and the placebo is explained by who ended up in which group. The p-value says how rare the observed difference would be if that were so.
A drug trial gave $p = 0.03$. Which statement is correct?
A p-value is the probability of the data given the hypothesis, not of the hypothesis given the data. It’s the same trap as the prosecutor’s fallacy from the chapter on probability.
A decision based on a threshold can go wrong in two ways.
A type I error is rejecting a true null hypothesis, announcing an effect that isn’t there: a false alarm. A type II error is missing an effect that is there. The probability of detecting an existing effect is called the power of the test.
| No effect | Effect exists | |
|---|---|---|
| Effect announced | type I error, probability at most $\alpha$ | correct, probability equals the power |
| Not announced | correct | type II error |
The threshold $\alpha = 0.05$ keeps only false alarms under control, and only in a single test. That’s where the main trap lies.
Twenty jelly beans
In 2011 the webcomic xkcd published an episode called “Significant”. Scientists are asked to check whether jelly beans cause acne. They find no link. Then they test twenty colours of jelly bean separately, and for the green ones $p < 0.05$. Next morning in the paper: “Green jelly beans linked to acne! Only 5 % chance of coincidence”.
The joke is accurate down to the arithmetic. If jelly beans have nothing to do with it, each of the twenty tests gives a false alarm with probability $0.05$. But the probability that at least one of the twenty gives one is much greater.
Suppose $m$ tests are carried out, in each the null hypothesis is true, and each raises a false alarm with probability $\alpha$. If the tests are independent, the probability of at least one false alarm is $1 - (1 - \alpha)^m$. Without any assumption of independence it’s at most $m\alpha$.
The trick is to see probability as area. Let’s draw the case of two tests.
In real life twenty tests rarely line up so honestly. A researcher tries different ways of analysing the data: exclude outliers or keep them, adjust for age or not, measure after a week or after a month, stop recruiting participants as soon as p dips below $0.05$. Each choice on its own looks innocent, but together they’re twenty jelly beans, only invisible. This is called p-hacking.
The consequences turned out to be serious. In 2005 the epidemiologist John Ioannidis published a paper with a provocative title, “Why Most Published Research Findings Are False”. In 2015 a large group of psychologists, the Open Science Collaboration, repeated a hundred experiments from papers in leading journals. In the original papers $97$ % of the results were significant; in the repetitions, $36$ %. After this replication crisis many journals began accepting papers with pre-registration: before collecting data the researcher announces which hypothesis will be tested and how.
A researcher tested $10$ independent hypotheses at level $\alpha = 0.05$, and all of them are in fact false (there are no effects). With what probability will they announce at least one “discovery”? Round the answer to three decimal places.
No false alarms at all: probability $0.95^{10} \approx 0.599$. At least one: $1 - 0.599 = 0.401$, almost forty per cent. With the Bonferroni correction each hypothesis would be tested at level $0.005$, and the probability of a false discovery would be $1 - 0.995^{10} \approx 0.049$.
“p < 0.05” means only that such a result rarely arises by chance if there’s no effect. Ask how many hypotheses were tested before this one was found, and whether anyone has replicated the result.
Chocolate and Nobel prizes
More chocolate, more Nobel laureates: correlation 0.79
This headline is almost real. In 2012 the cardiologist Franz Messerli published a note in the New England Journal of Medicine: countries that eat more chocolate have more Nobel laureates per head of population. Over $23$ countries the correlation coefficient came out at $0.79$. The note was written with a good deal of irony, but the news reported it in earnest.
What does the number $0.79$ mean? The correlation coefficient measures how closely the points of a scatter plot hug a straight line.
The number $r$ is called Pearson’s correlation coefficient. The idea of correlation was proposed by Francis Galton in 1888, and the formula used today was derived by Karl Pearson in the 1890s.
Suppose the $x_i$ include at least two different numbers, and so do the $y_i$. Then $-1 \le r \le 1$, and $|r| = 1$ only if all the points $(x_i, y_i)$ lie on one line. The line for which the sum of squared vertical deviations of the points is smallest passes through the point $(\bar x, \bar y)$ and has slope $b = r\,\dfrac{s_y}{s_x}$.
The same trick as with the sum of squares: the whole column of deviations is one arrow in a space of $n$ dimensions.
Praise hurts, scolding helps?
The last line of the theorem implies a phenomenon that confuses newspapers and scientists alike. Convert $x$ and $y$ into standard units: how many sample standard deviations a value is from the mean. Then $\bar x = \bar y = 0$, $s_x = s_y = 1$, and the best line is simply $y = r\,x$. If the correlation isn’t perfect, $|r| < 1$, and the forecast of $y$ is always closer to the mean than $x$ itself.
Galton was the first to notice this. In 1886 he compared the heights of adult children with those of their parents and saw that the children of very tall parents are also tall on average, but shorter than their parents, while the children of very short parents are taller on average. Galton called this “regression towards mediocrity”; hence the word “regression”, which is now used for any fitting of a line to points.
Daniel Kahneman recalled telling Israeli Air Force flight instructors in the 1960s that reward teaches better than punishment. One instructor objected: when he praised a cadet for an excellent landing, the next one usually went worse, and when he scolded one for a bad landing, the next was better. He saw this as the effect of his words. In fact he was seeing regression to the mean: a landing is made up of skill and luck, and after an exceptionally good attempt the next one will most likely be ordinary, praise or no praise.
Regression to the mean is a property of any two imperfectly related measurements: for objects that are extreme on the first, the second is on average closer to the mean.
Regression to the mean explains much of what looks like an effect. A patient goes to the doctor when they feel at their worst, and will get better under almost any treatment. Cameras are put up at the junctions that had the most accidents last year, and the next year there are fewer accidents there, partly for no reason at all. That’s why a serious trial has a control group: it was recruited the same way, and regression to the mean is the same in it as in the main group.
The correlation between the marks on two tests is $r = 0.6$. A pupil scored two standard deviations above the mean on the first. By how many standard deviations above the mean is the best forecast of their second mark?
In standard units the best forecast is $r\,x = 0.6 \cdot 2 = 1.2$. The pupil will most likely do well again, but not quite so brilliantly: part of their first success was luck, and luck doesn’t repeat to order.
Whose fault is it
Back to the chocolate. The correlation of $0.79$ is real, but it doesn’t say that chocolate makes people cleverer. There are at least three explanations. The first is chance: among a multitude of pairs of indicators some are bound to turn out linked, like the green jelly beans. The second is reverse causation: maybe Nobel laureates celebrate their prizes with chocolate. The third, and the most plausible, is a common cause: rich countries both eat more chocolate and spend more on science. A hidden common cause is called a confounder.
One more warning: $r$ captures only straight-line relationships. For points on the parabola $y = x^2$, symmetric about the axis, $r = 0$, even though $y$ is completely determined by $x$. And the four data sets that Francis Anscombe devised in 1973 have the same means, variances, $r \approx 0.82$ and the same best line $y = 3 + 0.5x$, yet on a chart they look nothing like one another. Before computing a correlation, plot the points.
So how do you find out whether chocolate works? Only by an experiment in which chocolate is handed out by lot: participants are randomly divided into two groups, one gets chocolate and the other doesn’t. The lot knows nothing about wealth, age or habits, so all confounders are shared equally between the groups on average. This idea, randomisation, was also brought into science by Fisher. The tea experiment starts with it too: the order of the cups there was chosen by lot.
Correlation measures how closely the points hug a line and says nothing about what causes what. Ask what else could have driven both quantities, and whether there was an experiment with random allocation.
Berkeley, 1973
University weeds out women: 44 % of men admitted to graduate school, only 35 % of women
This case is real. In autumn 1973, $8442$ men and $4321$ women applied to graduate school at the University of California, Berkeley. $44$ % of the men and $35$ % of the women were admitted. With numbers like these a nine-point difference can’t be explained by chance: the margin of error of the difference is under two points. The university grew worried, and the statistician Peter Bickel and colleagues set out to investigate.
Admission decisions at Berkeley were made not for the university as a whole but by departments. Bickel, Hammel and O’Connell looked at each department separately. Here are the six largest; in their 1975 paper the departments are labelled with letters.
| Department | Men: applied | admitted | Women: applied | admitted |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| A | 825 | 62 % | 108 | 82 % |
| B | 560 | 63 % | 25 | 68 % |
| C | 325 | 37 % | 593 | 34 % |
| D | 417 | 33 % | 375 | 35 % |
| E | 191 | 28 % | 393 | 24 % |
| F | 373 | 6 % | 341 | 7 % |
| All six | 2691 | 45 % | 1835 | 30 % |
In four departments out of six women were admitted more often than men, in the other two slightly less often. Yet in total across the same six departments $45$ % of men and $30$ % of women were admitted. The answer lies in where people applied. More than half the men, $1385$ out of $2691$, went for departments A and B, which admitted almost two thirds. Women rarely applied there, $133$ applications out of $1835$, and mostly went for C to F, which are hard for everyone to get into: they admitted between six and thirty-seven per cent.
Simpson’s paradox is a situation in which a relationship present in each of the groups disappears or reverses when the groups are combined. Edward Simpson described it in 1951, though it had been noticed earlier, by Karl Pearson and Udny Yule at the turn of the twentieth century.
There’s no magic here, only the arithmetic of averages, the same as with the plank and weights.
Let a group of $N$ people be split into parts of sizes $n_1, \dots, n_k$, and let the share of successes in part $j$ be $p_j$. Then the overall share of successes is $p = w_1p_1 + \dots + w_kp_k$, where $w_j = n_j/N$ are the shares of the parts, and it lies between the smallest and the largest of the $p_j$.
The trick is that the overall share is again a centre of mass, as on the plank with weights. The picture is for Berkeley, with departments A and B merged into “easy” and C to F into “hard”.
If women had spread their applications over the six departments the same way as men, then with the same chances in each department about $52$ % of them would have been admitted, more than the men. Bickel and his co-authors concluded that if the departments favoured anyone, it was rather women. The question shifted from the admissions committees to something else: why did women more often apply where places were scarce? But that one isn’t answered by arithmetic.
The paradox turns up in medicine too. In 1986 British urologists compared two operations for removing kidney stones: open surgery and the minimally invasive keyhole procedure. Overall the keyhole one succeeded more often: $83$ % against $78$ %. But for small stones open surgery worked in $93$ % of cases against $87$ %, and for large ones in $73$ % against $69$ %. Open surgery was better in both groups and worse in total: it was used more often in the difficult cases, with large stones.
Which comparison should you believe: by group or in total? The numbers themselves won’t tell you; you need to understand where they came from. The size of the stone affected both the choice of operation and its outcome, that is, it was a confounder, and the comparison has to be made within the groups. There are opposite cases too: if the groups were themselves formed under the influence of the treatment, splitting by them only confuses things, and the total is what to believe. Statistics tells you what to compute; which of the numbers answers your question is decided by understanding how the situation works.
Department by department, women were admitted no less often than men. Their overall percentage is lower because they more often applied where everyone was turned down. Before comparing totals, ask whether the groups are distributed the same way over the parts.
Five questions for any news story with numbers. Mean or median, and what’s the spread? What’s the margin of error, and how was the sample collected? How many hypotheses were tested before this one was found? What else could link the two quantities, and was there random allocation? Have different groups been lumped together?
You can practise the calculations from all five investigations (median and spread, standard error, a poll’s margin of error, multiple testing, a forecast with regression to the mean, and overall shares) in the trainer.
Where next
In all five stories the observations were independent: the respondents didn’t confer, the cups knew nothing of one another, each jelly bean had its own group. Independence held up both the standard error and the formula $1 - 0.95^{20}$. But much in the world works differently. The letters of a text depend on the previous ones: in English, q is almost always followed by u. Tomorrow’s weather resembles today’s. A user clicks a link that’s on the page they have open. In statistics we always assumed observations were independent, and here each one depends on what came before. How do you describe such dependence, and can you measure how much information a message carries? In 1913 Andrey Markov counted the vowels and consonants in Eugene Onegin, and in 1948 Claude Shannon answered the second question with a single formula. That’s chapter 50.